Armine Nutting Gosling (1861-1942) and “The Counsel of Responsible Women”: The Suffragists of Newfoundland and Labrador

By Tiffany Johnstone

Armine Nutting Gosling, 1885.  Courtesy of the Centre for Newfoundland Studies Archives and Special Collections, Memorial University of Newfoundland Library, St. John's, Newfoundland.

Armine Nutting Gosling, 1885.
Courtesy of the Centre for Newfoundland Studies Archives and Special Collections, Memorial University of Newfoundland Library, St. John’s, Newfoundland.

“The laws that so materially affect [our] lives are bound to be haphazard and one-sided without the aid of the counsel of responsible women”

-Armine Nutting Gosling, Qtd. in Duley 142.


While most women in Canada won the right to vote at the federal level in 1918 and to run as candidates in federal elections in 1920, the struggle for suffrage was more complicated in the province of Quebec and in what was then the dominion of Newfoundland and Labrador (NL).  Newfoundland and Labrador, which did not join Canada until 1949, granted women the right to vote and run for office in 1925.  Quebec women had to wait 15 years before winning the right to vote provincially in 1940.  Religious conservatism, entrenched class-based social inequalities, and a strong cultural emphasis on traditional gender roles seem to have posed particular obstacles to suffrage in Quebec and NL.  The story in NL is remarkable considering the number of challenges and the public opposition suffragists faced at the time.  The suffrage history of the young province sheds light on the wider struggles for women’s federal and provincial enfranchisement in the rest of the country.

As in many other jurisdictions, the fight for suffrage in NL was strongly linked to the temperance movement.  The NL chapter of the Women’s Christian Temperance Union (WCTU) formed in 1890 with the help of Methodist minister A.D. Morton and consisted mainly of Congregational, Presbyterian, and Methodist women (Duley 13), while also including some Catholic supporters (Duley 15).  It had roots in earlier colonial temperance groups including the Daughters of Temperance that dated back to the 1850s (Duley 14).  In the 19th century, alcohol had become a form of currency amongst seamen, labourers, and servants (Duley 15). A long history of indentured labour and exploitative working conditions culminated in a culture of alcohol dependency that engulfed many of the poor and exacerbated their poverty.  As elsewhere, temperance activists argued that women and children were the most likely victims (Duley 17).  Without voting rights, women had limited means to change the very social conditions by which they were victimized.

While in 1891, WCTU members famously marched through St. John’s from the Old Temperance Hall to support temperance and suffrage, motions to expand women’s voting privileges in 1892 and 1893 were ultimately defeated and suffragists faced a brutal media backlash.  An 1893 Evening Telegram article accused them of mere attention-seeking and of ultimately “unsex[ing] themselves” by seeking the vote (Higgins).  In 1897, newspapers sensationalized local sightings of a female cyclist who voiced her support for suffrage and defended her hobby, which was quickly becoming an international symbol of women’s liberation and the ‘New Woman’ (Duley 36).  Many of the dominion’s middle-class women nevertheless continued to meet and to lobby.  NL suffragists took inspiration from the suffragist movements in New Brunswick and Nova Scotia, as well as in Canada as a whole, and in the United States and Britain (Cleverdon 210).  American suffragist Carrie Chapman Catt (1859-1947) actively supported the NL suffragists and is said to have supplied them with suffrage literature (Cleverdon 210).  Not until the 1920s, however, did the NL media begin supporting votes for women (Higgins).

Literacy, education, and the arts were strongly associated with women’s activism.  Around 1909, the St. John’s Ladies Reading Room (LRR) organization was founded in response to the ban on women attending lectures at an all men’s club (Duley 41).  Harriet Armine Nutting Gosling, known as Armine Gosling (1861-1942), is particularly well-known for her support of the LRR.  Hailing from Waterloo, Quebec, Gosling was a well-educated product of “gentile poverty,” the daughter of an alcoholic father and a milliner and seamstress mother (Duley 43).  When the Church of England Girls’ School in St. John’s advertised for a new principal, Gosling successfully applied and stepped ashore in 1882.  Soon after arriving, she met her future husband, William Gilbert Gosling (1863-1930), a Bermuda businessman who would later become Mayor of St. John’s (Duley 42-43).  In 1885, Armine resigned from her job to live in Ottawa and Bermuda.  In 1888 she and William wed in Halifax. They soon returned to St. John’s where he was employed by a local business (Riggs A9).  The Goslings had six children, two of whom died before the age of one (Riggs A9).  Armine gradually became active in community organizations.  While in London from 1904 to 1905, she befriended American nurse and suffragist Lavinia Dock (1858-1956), started subscriptions to British suffragist papers, and attended suffragist meetings (Duley 45).  On her return, she became heavily involved in the franchise struggle (Riggs A9).

In 1909 the LRR began in the Goslings’ home and soon boasted over a hundred members.  With its singularly reassuring title, the organization was reminiscent of the Toronto’s Women’s Literary Club from 1876, which soon enough transformed itself into the Suffrage Club in 1882.  The seemingly unremarkable ambition of the LRR was to give local women access to print culture from Britain and the United States (Riggs A9). This phenomenon of the literary society as a means to promote suffrage can be traced back to the Chautauqua Literary and Scientific Circle (CLSC) that was founded in 1878 by a Methodist minister in Chautauqua, New York.  The CLSC operated ad a kind of book club that coordinated and supervised “home reading circles” and even offered university credits (Murray 77), feeding a demand for increased home-based access to higher learning, especially on the part of women (Murray 81).  The CLSC developed a Canadian branch and soon claimed members throughout Canada and in NL (Murray 85).  The St. John’s LRR thus represented the wider cultural connection in the late 19th century between suffrage and increased access to women’s education and literacy.  The vast growth of organizations such as the CLSC shows that in the process of improving access to education, women gained credentials, skills, and networks that helped to improve women’s individual lives and to promote women’s rights.

The LRR also produced the Current Events Club of which Armine was president (Higgins) and aimed to encourage women’s involvement in politics (Riggs A9).  Women, such as Gosling and the more radical suffragist, Myra Campbell (1868-1964),[i] spoke at the club’s weekly meetings.  In 1912 Gosling gave a lecture called “Woman Suffrage,” which was then printed and sold as a pamphlet (Riggs A9).  She was particularly angry about the negative “propaganda” (Qtd. in Duley 47) aimed at suffragists, and she dedicated herself to combating misinformation (Duley 47).  Venues such as the Ladies Reading Room and the Current Events Club provided a safe space for women to educate themselves and to refute biases of mainstream media, religious conservatism, the education system, and the government.

Leaders such as Armine Gosling tended to represent a middle-class, often Protestant, urban, “come from away,”[ii] perspective on NL suffrage.[iii]  Like many, she drew heavily on British influences, favouring the literary activism of John Stuart Mill, the rhetoric of maternal feminism, and British suffrage struggles, arguably at the expense of meaningful engagement with NL  issues, especially those facing outport women (Duley 47).  This perspective could be interpreted on the one hand as limiting, and on the other as making suffrage more “palatable” to those in charge by associating it with Great Britain (Duley 47-48).  The lingering colonial class-system, re-enforced by religious conservatism in the dominion, contributed to this elitist bias.  However, while the first franchise champions drew heavily on the elite of the capital, the movement grew in time increasingly diverse and locally engaged with activity in rural areas (Duley 39). In 1891, women from the small outports of Cupids and Pardy’s Island officially presented petitions to the legislature (Duley 22). World War I brought outport women increasingly into the public eye as significant contributors to the military effort.[iv]  The active inclusion of rural women in the suffrage movement can be seen as an important contribution to suffrage success because of the geographically widespread support that it provided to the movement.

As in other jurisdictions, World War I expanded women’s roles and increased their political leverage.  In 1914, Lady Margaret Davidson, the wife of the British governor, formed the Women’s Patriotic Association (WPA) to encourage contributions to the war effort.  From 1916-1918, Gosling served as the Honorary Secretary for the WPP.  Its efforts helped ensure the survival of rural families and communities in particular (Duley 54).  All across the island and in Labrador, rural women contributed to “fundraising, knitting, and sewing” to support the troops (Duley 57). By 1915, the WPA had grown to 208 branches and 15,000 members (Riggs A9).  Their efforts were widely applauded (Duley 61).  This impressive mobilization was associated with what became known as “distaff feminism,” a term that, like ‘domestic feminism’ or ‘maternal feminism’ used more widely elsewhere, signaled political engagement and contributions based on traditional women’s roles (Duley 58).  One benefit for longtime activists was the WPA’s effective creation of a vital suffragist network across the island (Duley 58).  This network became a powerful tool in increasing women’s involvement and public opinion favourable to the franchise.  As well, the WPA’s emphasis on traditional women’s work would have helped to overcome opposition to suffrage.

“Woman's Franchise Movement," 8.11, Agnes Ayre Collection, Coll-158, the Archives and Special Collections, Queen Elizabeth II Library, Memorial University. Archivists describe this photo as most likely taken in Carbonear between 1921 and 1925.  Fannie McNeill (1869-1928) is seen standing second from left.  Agnes Miller Ayre (1890-1940) is seated to the left. Janet Miller Ayre Murray (1892-1946) is seated to the right. The Ayre sisters were important local members of the Women's Franchise League (Duley 104).

“Woman’s Franchise Movement,” 8.11, Agnes Ayre Collection, Coll-158, the Archives and Special Collections, Queen Elizabeth II Library, Memorial University.
Archivists describe this photo as most likely taken in Carbonear between 1921 and 1925. Fannie McNeill (1869-1928) is seen standing second from left. Agnes Miller Ayre (1890-1940) is seated to the left. Janet Miller Ayre Murray (1892-1946) is seated to the right. The Ayre sisters were important local members of the Women’s Franchise League (Duley 104).

Since their war effort did not bring the ‘reward’ that it won in Canada, Gosling founded and became the president of the Women’s Franchise League in 1920 (in Quebec the equivalent was the Provincial Committee for Women Suffrage 1922).  Drawing on WPA networks, she led branches in petitions, lectures, and letters to the editor (Riggs A9).  One  petition is said to have contained 20,000 signatures from across the island, a remarkable feat considering that most rural NL outports had populations below 5000 and were often extremely isolated and only accessible by sea (Cleverdon 211).  While Gosling’s husband used his mayoral position to help introduce a new charter allowing women voters in 1921, Prime Minister Sir Richard Squires was strongly opposed (Riggs A9).  Despite generally supportive newspapers, the government remained largely hostile (Higgins).  In 1921, female property owners were awarded the municipal vote but this victory was limited because of the NL convention of listing property owners as male (Cleverdon 210).  Not until the appearance of a sympathetic new Conservative Prime Minister, Walter Monroe, did women gain the franchise (Riggs A9).  In 1925, the Monroe Bill allowed women over 25 (four years older than men, a disability that remained until 1946) to vote and to run for election (Cleverdon 212).  NL women did not waste time in taking action.  On October 29th, 1928, a resounding 90% of eligible women voters cast their ballots in a general election (Higgins).

The story of suffrage in NL from the 1891 WCTU march to the LRR, the WPA, and the Women’s Franchise League is a story of patient grassroots community-building in the face of persistent opposition.  The emergence of activists such as Gosling was essential in creating suffrage networks largely modeled on those in Britain, Canada, and the United States.  The NL suffrage movement testifies to the power of social ills in bringing activists together and in gathering public support. As early NL suffragists pointed out, women’s suffrage was not just about improving the lives of individual women but about improving social conditions in general.  This successful connection between suffrage and broader human rights was crucial in defeating opposition.



Brandt, Gail Cuthbert, Naomi Black, Paula Bourne, and Magda Fahrni. 1996. Canadian Women: A History. Toronto: Nelson Education Ltd., 2011.

Cleverdon, Catherine L. The Woman Suffrage Movement in Canada. 1950. 2nd Ed. Toronto and Buffalo: University of Toronto Press, 1974.

Duley, Margot I. Where Once our Mothers Stood we Stand: Women’s Suffrage in Newfoundland 1890-1925. Charlottetown: Gynergy Books, 1993.

Greenwood, Rob, Candice Pike, and Wade Kearley. A Commitment to Place: The Social Foundations of Innovation in Newfoundland and Labrador. St. John’s: Leslie Harris Centre of Regional Policy and Development, 2011.

Higgins, Jenny. “Women’s Suffrage.” Newfoundland and Labrador Heritage Web Site. Memorial University of Newfoundland. 2008. Web. 18 Sept. 2013.

Riggs, Bert. “Securing the Right to Vote: Armine Nutting Gosling led Newfoundland Women in the Struggle for Female Suffrage.” St. John’s Telegram 15 Dec. 2003 Monday Final Ed.: A9.

[i] Myra Campbell was born in Nova Scotia, but was raised in Bay of Islands, NL (Duley 48).

[ii] This term is a common NL expression used to refer to individuals who were born outside of the province or whose parents were born outside of the province (See Greenwood et al.).  It has derogatory connotations and reflects longstanding colonial class-tensions in the province between indentured workers and the merchant class.  It usually associates “come from aways” with an elitist, usually urban and middle-class perspective in contrast with those whose ancestors settled in isolated outports.

[iii] For example, see Duley, 18-22 for a list of WCTU leaders who were generally recent middle-class immigrants.

[iv] During World War I, the opportunity to go to war for Great Britain was taken up enthusiastically throughout the dominion.  For many men in rural NL, military service seemed hardly less dangerous than familiar traditional forms of labour including the cod and seal fishery.  Newfoundlanders took the brunt of badly planned military events at Gallipoli and in Beaumont Hamel, resulting in massive casualties.  NL “suffered one of the highest casualty rates of any part of the British Empire” (Duley 57).

Still Reason to March: the Valentine’s Day Women’s Memorial March

By Kelsey Wrightson

Crowd sourced map of incidents of violence against indigenous women from Operation Thunderbird

Crowd sourced map of incidents of violence against indigenous women from Operation Thunderbird

The Women’s Memorial March Committee (WMMC) is a grassroots organization working in Coast Salish Territory (Vancouver, BC). Each year on Valentine’s Day, family members and their allies memorialize over 3000 missing and murdered women across Canada. February 14th, 2013 marks the 21st year of the annual demonstration that honours victims, directs national and international attention to this tragedy, and builds alliances with other groups calling for justice and substantive social change. These marches join a long history of public protest. During the height of the suffrage movement, women-centred demonstrations highlighted electoral and other forms of inequality. As 1000s walk Canadian streets on Valentine’s Day in the 21st century, they likewise demand justice, this time for Canada’s missing and murdered women.

The number of victims and the diversity of their backgrounds have resulted in many organizational alliances. This cooperation between Indigenous and Non-Indigenous activists has been developing since at least the 1980s. The campaign of the WMMC has been strengthened by the support of groups such as Feminist Alliance for International Action (FAFIA) and the Native Women’s Association of Canada (NWAC).

February 14th 2013, Vancouver, BC

February 14th 2013, Vancouver, BC

Such alliances are critical  because violence against women scars the whole world, and gender is rarely the only cause. While Canada’s missing and murdered women  come from many different backgrounds, Indigenous women are disproportionately targets. They are 3.5 times more likely than non-Indigenous women to suffer violence during their lifetime and five more times more likely to die violently. This tragedy is especially evident in British Columbia, home to both Canada’s poorest postal code, that of the Downtown Eastside (DTES), and to Highway 16, dubbed the “Highway of Tears” because of the  girls and women who have gone missing while traveling along it.

The challenge of WMMC activists, allies and supporters has not gone unnoticed as rallies across Canada attest. The protest against gender- and race-inspired violence has also gained international attention. The 2004 Stolen Sisters Report from Amnesty International documented systemic abuse and concluded that the Canadian state had failed in its duties to protect women and girls. In 2008 the UN Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (UNCEDW) reprimanded Canada. Following appeals from many organizations, notably the FAFIA, the UN Committee announced its own investigation in late 2011.  In February 2013, Human Rights Watch documented and condemned abusive and neglectful policing in Northern British Columbia.

Provincial and federal governments have also begun to respond. In 2005 Ottawa announced $10 million for a national database on missing and murdered women. $5 million was allocated to NWAC for the creation of the “Sisters in Spirit” group to compile data on missing and murdered indigenous women. However, after the Conservatives’ 2006 election victory, this funding was cut and reallocated

In 2010, the British Columbia government created the “Missing Women Commission of Inquiry”. Its mandate asked whether the police had properly investigated the cases of Vancouver’s missing and murdered women and whether the 1998 attempted murder charges against convicted serial killer Robert Pickton should have been stayed. The inquiry was also to recommend revisions to investigatory procedures. Despite initial welcome as a step towards reform, the Commission’s obvious shortcomings soon seized the spotlight. The lack of representation from victim advocacy groups and DTES community organizations was especially noted. On his own initiative, Commissioner Wally Oppal, BC’s former Attorney General, granted official standing to several groups, including the NWAC. However, unlike the precedent of other commissions of inquiry, the BC government refused to fund the participation of community groups. Once again the voices of victims receded from view. Despite its good intentions, procedural and funding problems undermined the credibility of the Commission. Its final report, appropriately titled Forsaken: the Report of the Missing Women Commission of Inquiry (Nov. 2012), highlighted serious flaws at multiple levels of the judicial system.

In face of persisting violence against women and systemic official failure, the need for alliances and for marching remains.  The 2013 Valentine’s Day March organized by the WMMC reminds all Canadians that the nation is not yet safe for women and for Aboriginal women in particular. In face of that reality, democracy remains at best an uncertain project.



Amnesty International, Stolen Sisters: A human rights response to discrimination and violence against Indigenous women in Canada, October 4 2004

B.C. Government, Researched to Death: B.C. Aboriginal Women and Violence. B.C. Women’s Hospital and Health Centre, 2005

Feminist Alliance for International Action, ‘Disappearances and Murders of Aboriginal Women and Girls in Canada’ : FAFIA Submission to the UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, January 2012

Human Rights Watch, Those Who Take Us Away: Abusive Policing and Failures in Protection of Indigenous Women and Girls in Northern British Columbia, Canada, February 2013

Missing Women’s Inquiry of Action, Forsaken: the Report of the Missing Women Commission of Inquiry, November 2012

Smith, Andrea, Conquest: sexual violence and American Indian genocide, South End Press, Cambridge MA, 2005



The Multiple Sites of Indigenous Resistance

Political mobilization occurs in different sites. Canada’s Indigenous populations both resist within Canadian state structures and outside or against state laws and institutions. They may also do both.  The choice of where to mobilize, and the implications and limits of those choices, persists as a central challenge for members of Indigenous communities.

The noted Indigenous theorist and Bear Clan Mohawk member, Taiaiake Alfred, argues that  “the most important and immediate imperative” of the Canadian settler project “is to assimilate indigenous peoples culturally” (2005, 56). The only effective response is an anti-imperial struggle grounded in indigenous cultural resilience.

Idle No More Rally, Vancouver, Dec 21 2012

Idle No More Rally, Vancouver, Dec 21 2012

He argues that practices of resistance must  “transcend colonial culture and institutions” (2005, 23). The first target should not be the Canadian state. Indigenous politics need to locate political practice outside and against colonial institutions. The initial goal should be the creation of a distinctly indigenous political base that builds resilience. This may include working within communities to revitalize language and cultural practices through “language nests” or actively building connections between generations through cultural education. Such strategies are essential for future vitality and resilience.

Alfred’s focus on centering political practices within Indigenous communities stems from his conclusion that “how you fight determines who you will become when the battle is over” (2005, 23). From this perspective using Canadian institutions will not result in practices that honour indigenous politics; politics will instead will be defined, determined and practiced according to the law of the colonial state. Leading Indigenous intellectual Andrea Smith has further argued that indigenous political action must include the creation of “organizations, movements and communities that model the world we are trying to create” (2007, 106). Alfred and Smith’s perspectives invoke the message of Audre Lord that “the master’s tools will never dismantle the master’s house” (1984).

However, Alfred’s is not the only position taken by Aboriginal scholars and activists. Others argue that because Canadian state institutions and laws are never going to disappear, it is important to engage effectively with state institutions. One indigenous advocate of this strategy is Dartmouth university professor and Teme-Augama Anishnabai, Dale Turner. Turner says that indigenous traditional forms of knowledge must be understood “in relation to the legal and political discourses of the dominant culture(2006, 98).He argues that if Aboriginal peoples want to argue that “differences ought to matter in the political relationship between Aboriginal peoples and the Canadian state, they will have to engage the Canadian state’s legal and political discourses in more effective ways” (2006, 5).

According to Turner and others, while the Canadian state may be limited, the institutions and legal framework carry a great deal of power for good or bad. It may be possible to use the ‘master’s tools’ to gain particular political rights and move towards equality. Thus, state institutions and law should be employed to forward the interests of Indigenous peoples.

One example of working within the Canadian institutions is employing the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms to challenge gender discrimination in the Indian Act. Prior to 1985 the Indian Act, rooted in traditions of European patriarchy, assigned First Nations women the same status as their father or husband. In other words, the Indian Act imposed a model of European legal patriarchy (Irving). When they married, non-status men they lost legal Indian status and rights. In equivalent situations, men did not. The 1982 adoption of the Charter gave a legal foundation within the Canadian court system to challenge this clear gender discrimination. Challenges produced useful, if modest, gains. Joyce Green, professor of Political Science at the University of Regina and of English and of Ktunaxa and Cree-Scot Metis descent, argues that while changes to the Canadian Constitution have not “erased the consequences of state-sponsored sex and race discrimination and colonialism, constitutional changes have gone some distance to identifying these matters and creating legally enforceable rights” (141). For example, scholars Bonita Lawrence and Andrea Smith both argue that gendered oppression is fundamental to colonial dispossession and marginalization. Although the gains made by Indigenous women are significant, there are the limits to the legal route of political transformation. Thus, resistance to oppression has often advanced on multiple levels.

There are three key critiques of working within the state institutions. First, Canadian state institutions are by their nature not Indigenous and therefore, cannot fully consider or include the complexity and diversity of Indigenous political and legal thought. Second, working within Canadian state institutions may ‘infect’, mutate or otherwise influence the Indigenous thinking and acting to conform to the values of the state. The third argument is that working within the Canadian state institutions will not transform the political relationship between Indigenous peoples and Settlers.

This debate about working within and without existing state governance shows no sign of resolution. Indigenous scholars, activists, and others are engaged in a longstanding and familiar struggle about how to engineer equality that while honouring the potential and the reality of difference.


Work Cited:

Alfred, T. (2005). Wasase. Ontario: Broadview Press, Ltd.

Green, J. (2007). Balancing Strategies: Aboriginal Women and Constitutional Rights in Canada. In J. Green (Ed.), Making Space for Indigenous Feminism (pp. 140–159). Winnipeg: Fernwood Publishing.

Irving, Helen. (2012). “When Women Were Aliens: The Neglected History of Derivative Marital Citizenship,” Sydney Law School Research Paper No. 12/47,

Lawrence, B. (2003). Gender , Race , and the Regulation Native Identity in Canada and the United States : An Overview. Hypatia, 18(2), 3–31.

Lorde, Audre. (1984). Sister outsider: Essays and speeches. California: Crossing Press.

Smith, A. (2007). Native American Feminism, Sovereignty and Social Change. In J. Green (Ed.), Making Space for Indigenous Feminism (pp. 93–107). Winnipeg: Fernwood Publishing.

Turner, D. (2006). This is not a peace pipe. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.

Further Reading:

Alfred, T., & Corntassel, J. (2005). Being Indigenous: Resurgences against Contemporary Colonialism. Government and Opposition, 40(4), 597–602.

Smith, L. T. (1999). Decolonizing Methodologies: Research and Indigenous Peoples. University of Otago Press.