Armine Nutting Gosling (1861-1942) and “The Counsel of Responsible Women”: The Suffragists of Newfoundland and Labrador

By Tiffany Johnstone

Armine Nutting Gosling, 1885.  Courtesy of the Centre for Newfoundland Studies Archives and Special Collections, Memorial University of Newfoundland Library, St. John's, Newfoundland.

Armine Nutting Gosling, 1885.
Courtesy of the Centre for Newfoundland Studies Archives and Special Collections, Memorial University of Newfoundland Library, St. John’s, Newfoundland.

“The laws that so materially affect [our] lives are bound to be haphazard and one-sided without the aid of the counsel of responsible women”

-Armine Nutting Gosling, Qtd. in Duley 142.


While most women in Canada won the right to vote at the federal level in 1918 and to run as candidates in federal elections in 1920, the struggle for suffrage was more complicated in the province of Quebec and in what was then the dominion of Newfoundland and Labrador (NL).  Newfoundland and Labrador, which did not join Canada until 1949, granted women the right to vote and run for office in 1925.  Quebec women had to wait 15 years before winning the right to vote provincially in 1940.  Religious conservatism, entrenched class-based social inequalities, and a strong cultural emphasis on traditional gender roles seem to have posed particular obstacles to suffrage in Quebec and NL.  The story in NL is remarkable considering the number of challenges and the public opposition suffragists faced at the time.  The suffrage history of the young province sheds light on the wider struggles for women’s federal and provincial enfranchisement in the rest of the country.

As in many other jurisdictions, the fight for suffrage in NL was strongly linked to the temperance movement.  The NL chapter of the Women’s Christian Temperance Union (WCTU) formed in 1890 with the help of Methodist minister A.D. Morton and consisted mainly of Congregational, Presbyterian, and Methodist women (Duley 13), while also including some Catholic supporters (Duley 15).  It had roots in earlier colonial temperance groups including the Daughters of Temperance that dated back to the 1850s (Duley 14).  In the 19th century, alcohol had become a form of currency amongst seamen, labourers, and servants (Duley 15). A long history of indentured labour and exploitative working conditions culminated in a culture of alcohol dependency that engulfed many of the poor and exacerbated their poverty.  As elsewhere, temperance activists argued that women and children were the most likely victims (Duley 17).  Without voting rights, women had limited means to change the very social conditions by which they were victimized.

While in 1891, WCTU members famously marched through St. John’s from the Old Temperance Hall to support temperance and suffrage, motions to expand women’s voting privileges in 1892 and 1893 were ultimately defeated and suffragists faced a brutal media backlash.  An 1893 Evening Telegram article accused them of mere attention-seeking and of ultimately “unsex[ing] themselves” by seeking the vote (Higgins).  In 1897, newspapers sensationalized local sightings of a female cyclist who voiced her support for suffrage and defended her hobby, which was quickly becoming an international symbol of women’s liberation and the ‘New Woman’ (Duley 36).  Many of the dominion’s middle-class women nevertheless continued to meet and to lobby.  NL suffragists took inspiration from the suffragist movements in New Brunswick and Nova Scotia, as well as in Canada as a whole, and in the United States and Britain (Cleverdon 210).  American suffragist Carrie Chapman Catt (1859-1947) actively supported the NL suffragists and is said to have supplied them with suffrage literature (Cleverdon 210).  Not until the 1920s, however, did the NL media begin supporting votes for women (Higgins).

Literacy, education, and the arts were strongly associated with women’s activism.  Around 1909, the St. John’s Ladies Reading Room (LRR) organization was founded in response to the ban on women attending lectures at an all men’s club (Duley 41).  Harriet Armine Nutting Gosling, known as Armine Gosling (1861-1942), is particularly well-known for her support of the LRR.  Hailing from Waterloo, Quebec, Gosling was a well-educated product of “gentile poverty,” the daughter of an alcoholic father and a milliner and seamstress mother (Duley 43).  When the Church of England Girls’ School in St. John’s advertised for a new principal, Gosling successfully applied and stepped ashore in 1882.  Soon after arriving, she met her future husband, William Gilbert Gosling (1863-1930), a Bermuda businessman who would later become Mayor of St. John’s (Duley 42-43).  In 1885, Armine resigned from her job to live in Ottawa and Bermuda.  In 1888 she and William wed in Halifax. They soon returned to St. John’s where he was employed by a local business (Riggs A9).  The Goslings had six children, two of whom died before the age of one (Riggs A9).  Armine gradually became active in community organizations.  While in London from 1904 to 1905, she befriended American nurse and suffragist Lavinia Dock (1858-1956), started subscriptions to British suffragist papers, and attended suffragist meetings (Duley 45).  On her return, she became heavily involved in the franchise struggle (Riggs A9).

In 1909 the LRR began in the Goslings’ home and soon boasted over a hundred members.  With its singularly reassuring title, the organization was reminiscent of the Toronto’s Women’s Literary Club from 1876, which soon enough transformed itself into the Suffrage Club in 1882.  The seemingly unremarkable ambition of the LRR was to give local women access to print culture from Britain and the United States (Riggs A9). This phenomenon of the literary society as a means to promote suffrage can be traced back to the Chautauqua Literary and Scientific Circle (CLSC) that was founded in 1878 by a Methodist minister in Chautauqua, New York.  The CLSC operated ad a kind of book club that coordinated and supervised “home reading circles” and even offered university credits (Murray 77), feeding a demand for increased home-based access to higher learning, especially on the part of women (Murray 81).  The CLSC developed a Canadian branch and soon claimed members throughout Canada and in NL (Murray 85).  The St. John’s LRR thus represented the wider cultural connection in the late 19th century between suffrage and increased access to women’s education and literacy.  The vast growth of organizations such as the CLSC shows that in the process of improving access to education, women gained credentials, skills, and networks that helped to improve women’s individual lives and to promote women’s rights.

The LRR also produced the Current Events Club of which Armine was president (Higgins) and aimed to encourage women’s involvement in politics (Riggs A9).  Women, such as Gosling and the more radical suffragist, Myra Campbell (1868-1964),[i] spoke at the club’s weekly meetings.  In 1912 Gosling gave a lecture called “Woman Suffrage,” which was then printed and sold as a pamphlet (Riggs A9).  She was particularly angry about the negative “propaganda” (Qtd. in Duley 47) aimed at suffragists, and she dedicated herself to combating misinformation (Duley 47).  Venues such as the Ladies Reading Room and the Current Events Club provided a safe space for women to educate themselves and to refute biases of mainstream media, religious conservatism, the education system, and the government.

Leaders such as Armine Gosling tended to represent a middle-class, often Protestant, urban, “come from away,”[ii] perspective on NL suffrage.[iii]  Like many, she drew heavily on British influences, favouring the literary activism of John Stuart Mill, the rhetoric of maternal feminism, and British suffrage struggles, arguably at the expense of meaningful engagement with NL  issues, especially those facing outport women (Duley 47).  This perspective could be interpreted on the one hand as limiting, and on the other as making suffrage more “palatable” to those in charge by associating it with Great Britain (Duley 47-48).  The lingering colonial class-system, re-enforced by religious conservatism in the dominion, contributed to this elitist bias.  However, while the first franchise champions drew heavily on the elite of the capital, the movement grew in time increasingly diverse and locally engaged with activity in rural areas (Duley 39). In 1891, women from the small outports of Cupids and Pardy’s Island officially presented petitions to the legislature (Duley 22). World War I brought outport women increasingly into the public eye as significant contributors to the military effort.[iv]  The active inclusion of rural women in the suffrage movement can be seen as an important contribution to suffrage success because of the geographically widespread support that it provided to the movement.

As in other jurisdictions, World War I expanded women’s roles and increased their political leverage.  In 1914, Lady Margaret Davidson, the wife of the British governor, formed the Women’s Patriotic Association (WPA) to encourage contributions to the war effort.  From 1916-1918, Gosling served as the Honorary Secretary for the WPP.  Its efforts helped ensure the survival of rural families and communities in particular (Duley 54).  All across the island and in Labrador, rural women contributed to “fundraising, knitting, and sewing” to support the troops (Duley 57). By 1915, the WPA had grown to 208 branches and 15,000 members (Riggs A9).  Their efforts were widely applauded (Duley 61).  This impressive mobilization was associated with what became known as “distaff feminism,” a term that, like ‘domestic feminism’ or ‘maternal feminism’ used more widely elsewhere, signaled political engagement and contributions based on traditional women’s roles (Duley 58).  One benefit for longtime activists was the WPA’s effective creation of a vital suffragist network across the island (Duley 58).  This network became a powerful tool in increasing women’s involvement and public opinion favourable to the franchise.  As well, the WPA’s emphasis on traditional women’s work would have helped to overcome opposition to suffrage.

“Woman's Franchise Movement," 8.11, Agnes Ayre Collection, Coll-158, the Archives and Special Collections, Queen Elizabeth II Library, Memorial University. Archivists describe this photo as most likely taken in Carbonear between 1921 and 1925.  Fannie McNeill (1869-1928) is seen standing second from left.  Agnes Miller Ayre (1890-1940) is seated to the left. Janet Miller Ayre Murray (1892-1946) is seated to the right. The Ayre sisters were important local members of the Women's Franchise League (Duley 104).

“Woman’s Franchise Movement,” 8.11, Agnes Ayre Collection, Coll-158, the Archives and Special Collections, Queen Elizabeth II Library, Memorial University.
Archivists describe this photo as most likely taken in Carbonear between 1921 and 1925. Fannie McNeill (1869-1928) is seen standing second from left. Agnes Miller Ayre (1890-1940) is seated to the left. Janet Miller Ayre Murray (1892-1946) is seated to the right. The Ayre sisters were important local members of the Women’s Franchise League (Duley 104).

Since their war effort did not bring the ‘reward’ that it won in Canada, Gosling founded and became the president of the Women’s Franchise League in 1920 (in Quebec the equivalent was the Provincial Committee for Women Suffrage 1922).  Drawing on WPA networks, she led branches in petitions, lectures, and letters to the editor (Riggs A9).  One  petition is said to have contained 20,000 signatures from across the island, a remarkable feat considering that most rural NL outports had populations below 5000 and were often extremely isolated and only accessible by sea (Cleverdon 211).  While Gosling’s husband used his mayoral position to help introduce a new charter allowing women voters in 1921, Prime Minister Sir Richard Squires was strongly opposed (Riggs A9).  Despite generally supportive newspapers, the government remained largely hostile (Higgins).  In 1921, female property owners were awarded the municipal vote but this victory was limited because of the NL convention of listing property owners as male (Cleverdon 210).  Not until the appearance of a sympathetic new Conservative Prime Minister, Walter Monroe, did women gain the franchise (Riggs A9).  In 1925, the Monroe Bill allowed women over 25 (four years older than men, a disability that remained until 1946) to vote and to run for election (Cleverdon 212).  NL women did not waste time in taking action.  On October 29th, 1928, a resounding 90% of eligible women voters cast their ballots in a general election (Higgins).

The story of suffrage in NL from the 1891 WCTU march to the LRR, the WPA, and the Women’s Franchise League is a story of patient grassroots community-building in the face of persistent opposition.  The emergence of activists such as Gosling was essential in creating suffrage networks largely modeled on those in Britain, Canada, and the United States.  The NL suffrage movement testifies to the power of social ills in bringing activists together and in gathering public support. As early NL suffragists pointed out, women’s suffrage was not just about improving the lives of individual women but about improving social conditions in general.  This successful connection between suffrage and broader human rights was crucial in defeating opposition.



Brandt, Gail Cuthbert, Naomi Black, Paula Bourne, and Magda Fahrni. 1996. Canadian Women: A History. Toronto: Nelson Education Ltd., 2011.

Cleverdon, Catherine L. The Woman Suffrage Movement in Canada. 1950. 2nd Ed. Toronto and Buffalo: University of Toronto Press, 1974.

Duley, Margot I. Where Once our Mothers Stood we Stand: Women’s Suffrage in Newfoundland 1890-1925. Charlottetown: Gynergy Books, 1993.

Greenwood, Rob, Candice Pike, and Wade Kearley. A Commitment to Place: The Social Foundations of Innovation in Newfoundland and Labrador. St. John’s: Leslie Harris Centre of Regional Policy and Development, 2011.

Higgins, Jenny. “Women’s Suffrage.” Newfoundland and Labrador Heritage Web Site. Memorial University of Newfoundland. 2008. Web. 18 Sept. 2013.

Riggs, Bert. “Securing the Right to Vote: Armine Nutting Gosling led Newfoundland Women in the Struggle for Female Suffrage.” St. John’s Telegram 15 Dec. 2003 Monday Final Ed.: A9.

[i] Myra Campbell was born in Nova Scotia, but was raised in Bay of Islands, NL (Duley 48).

[ii] This term is a common NL expression used to refer to individuals who were born outside of the province or whose parents were born outside of the province (See Greenwood et al.).  It has derogatory connotations and reflects longstanding colonial class-tensions in the province between indentured workers and the merchant class.  It usually associates “come from aways” with an elitist, usually urban and middle-class perspective in contrast with those whose ancestors settled in isolated outports.

[iii] For example, see Duley, 18-22 for a list of WCTU leaders who were generally recent middle-class immigrants.

[iv] During World War I, the opportunity to go to war for Great Britain was taken up enthusiastically throughout the dominion.  For many men in rural NL, military service seemed hardly less dangerous than familiar traditional forms of labour including the cod and seal fishery.  Newfoundlanders took the brunt of badly planned military events at Gallipoli and in Beaumont Hamel, resulting in massive casualties.  NL “suffered one of the highest casualty rates of any part of the British Empire” (Duley 57).

Aung San Suu Kyi

via Htoo Tay Zar.

via Htoo Tay Zar.

Renowned for her political activism and personal sacrifice, Aung San Suu Kyi has emerged as a global icon for human rights and democracy (Diamond, 2012).  Aung San Suu Kyi’s upbringing fits the classic picture of the South Asian political elite: daughter of an eminent leader, and privileged by an international education, she was primed for a public life from early childhood.

Born in Rangoon in 1945, Aung San Suu Kyi was the third child of Daw Khin Kyi, a nurse in Rangoon General Hospital, and Burma Independence Army Commander, General Aung San. A prominent actor in the national fight for independence from Britain after World War II, Aung San was revered as a political hero (Diamond, 2012: 315). In 1947, six months before the country officially gained independence, he was assassinated. Following his death, Daw Khin Kyi grew increasingly active in public life, eventually becoming Burma’s ambassador to India in 1960. Aung San Suu Kyi accompanied her mother to New Delhi, where she attended high school.

In 1964, Suu Kyi moved to the United Kingdom to pursue a Bachelor’s degree in Philosophy, Politics and Economics at Oxford University. There she met future husband, Michael Aris, a scholar of Tibetan and Himalayan studies. Suu Kyi soon moved to New York with the intention of conducting graduate research, but deferred her studies for a job at the United Nations secretariat. After two years in New York, she moved to Bhutan with Aris, and later back to England, where their two children were born. For the following two decades, Aung San Suu Kyi worked on a series of research projects, but focused primarily on raising her children.

In March 1988, Aung San Suu Kyi returned to Rangoon to care for her ailing mother. On 8 August 1988 a nationwide protest called for political democracy and transparency from the ruling regime. In response, the military junta, in power since 1962, imposed martial law, and thousands of protesters were killed.

Aung San Suu Kyi’s political career began amidst the 1988 political crisis. She wrote an open letter appealing for a consultative committee to facilitate the transition toward democracy. When the government was unresponsive, she gave her first public speech, her father’s portrait displayed behind her, to a crowd estimated at 500,000 in Rangoon. Traditional Burmese flowers woven carefully into her hair, and the face of a political hero behind her, she presented a stark contrast to the violent military leaders who’d controlled the country for over two decades.

In late 1988, Aung San Suu Kyi formed the National League for Democracy (NLD). She faced harassment and assassination attempts and was placed under house arrest in 1989. A year later, the NLD won a general election with 82% of votes, but the military refused to recognize the results.

In 1991, Aung San Suu Kyi became the eighth female winner of the Nobel Peace Prize, and the first to receive it in captivity. The same year, her book, Freedom from Fear: And Other Writings appeared. For the next decade, she cycled in and out of house arrest and faced continuous harassment from the police and state-run media. She was given permission to leave her home freely only on the condition that she depart the country. Fearing that she would not be permitted to return, Aung San Suu Kyi refused, even when her husband was diagnosed with cancer. In 1999, Aris died, not having seen her for four years. Aung San Suu Kyi faced harsh criticism for choosing her country over her family, an act that challenged notions of proper womanhood .

In 2007, more nationwide protests increased global awareness of Burma’s political struggles. Numerous world leaders called for the release of Aung San Suu Kyi but the ruling regime proved once again unresponsive. In 2010, she was officially barred from participating in future elections.

In November, 2011, Aung San Suu Kyi nevertheless announced her party’s candidacy for the 2012 election. In the lead-up to the vote, she gave her first public speech over state media, calling for removal of “restrictive laws,” and reform of the 2008 Constitution (BBC, 2012). On 2 April, Suu Kyi won a seat in the Burmese parliament, joining 42 other members of the NLD.

Since the 2012 election, Burma has undergone dramatic political change, and Aung San Suu Kyi has been increasingly active in domestic and international politics. After decades of activism and resistance, she now faces the challenge of transitioning from a human rights icon to an active politician. Like any politician, her decisions have not been without controversy but she remains globally renowned for her instrumental role in fighting for Burma’s civilian governance and demilitarization. Suu Kyi has also challenged traditional, masculinized conceptions of courage and resistance, and advanced global recognition of women as agents of political change (Palmer-Mehta, 2012: 315).
Works Cited

Burke, Jason (2012, Jun. 15). Aung San Suu Kyi: the woman who never sought to lead. The Guardian. Retrieved Oct. 20th, 2012 from

Diamond, L (2012, Oct. 1). Aung San Suu Kyi: From Politician to ‘Democracy Icon’ and Back Again. The Atlantic. Retrieved Oct. 6th, 2012 from

Palmer-Mehta, V (2012). Theorizing the Role of Courage in Resistance: A Feminist Rhetorical Analysis of Aung San Suu Kyi’s ‘Freedom From Fear’ Speech. Communication, Culture & Critique, 5, 313-332.

Burma’s Aung San Suu Kyi Makes Landmark Campaign Speech (2012, March 12). British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC). Retrieved Sept. 29th, 2012 from
Resources & Further Reading

Wintle, J. (2007). Perfect Hostage: A Life of Aung San Suu Kyi, Burma’s Prisoner of Conscience. Skyhorse Publishing.

Aung San Suu Kyi, Aris, M., Havel, V., & Tutu, D. (2010). Freedom From Fear: And Other Writings (Revised Edition). London, England: Penguin Books

Aung San Suu Kyi (2010). Letters From Burma. London, England: Penguin Books

Palmer-Mehta, V (2012). Theorizing the Role of Courage in Resistance: A Feminist Rhetorical Analysis of Aung San Suu Kyi’s ‘Freedom From Fear’ Speech. Communication, Culture & Critique, 5, 313-332.

Popham, P (2011). The Lady and the Peacock: The Life of Aung San Suu Kyi. New York: The Experiment

Nobel Prize (n.d.), Aung San Suu Kyi: Biography. Retrieved Oct. 1st, 2012 from

Malala Yousufzai

(12 July 1997 – )

On 9 October  2012, 14 year old Pakistani school girl Malala Yousufzai was shot in the head and neck by a Taliban gunman, targeted because she publicly promoted education for girls. She was returning from school in the town of Mingora in the Swat Valley of Pakistan when two gunmen flagged down her school bus and fired on Malala and two other children. Taliban spokesman Ehsanullah Ehsan, stated to the BBC Urdu service that the attack was justified because Malala “promoted secularism.”  He said that if survives this attack she will continue to be targeted.

From Status of Women Canada

Malala’s father has always been a strong supporter of his daughter and education for girls more generally and he ran own private school for girls. Malala’s own advocacy of education for girls started at age 11, when she began writing a blog for BBC Urdu under the pseudonym Gul Makai. The blog detailed her life in Taliban-controlled Pakistan, where the threat of violence was common and the simple act of attending school took a daily act of courage.  Malala’s blog entries often talk about her fear that she would not be able to continue to attend because of Taliban.

After the Taliban were driven from the Swat Valley in 2009, her identity was revealed and she won a national award for bravery in Pakistan. Malala says that the government recognition has inspired her, and she hopes one day to help her people by going into politics. But perhaps Malala’s greatest show of commitment to education for girls is the fact that despite the international attention and demands on her time, she has continued to attend school.

Within Pakistan, government officials immediately condemned the attack;  rallies and public vigils were held in her name while schools across Pakistan shut their doors to hold vigils. The international response was also swift with diverse expressions of support including from, US Secretary of State Hilary Clinton and UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon. But writer Halima Mansour of the Guardian UK says “Malala doesn’t want to play to some western-backed or Taliban-loved stereotype. She shows us that there are voices out there, in Pakistan, that need to be heard, if only to help the country find democracy that is for and from the people, all the people.”

Unfortunately, Malala’s story is not unique. It is an especially egregious example of a larger global problem of discrimination against women and girls. Of the 110 million of the world’s children not in school in 2012, 60% are girls. By age 18, girls receive on average 4.4 years less education than boys.[1]  Lack of access to education has been linked to higher maternal and infant mortality, increased experience of domestic violence, lower economic prosperity, and reduced political opportunity[2] It is widely recognized that one of the best indicators of national peace and security is the condition of women and girls.[3] Yet, despite many promises to the contrary by governments and efforts by international organizations such as the UN, gender discrimination in education remains commonplace globally.

While some might dismiss Malala’s story as an extreme example of terrorism, it provides a critical reminder of global struggles for gender equality and the penalties  sometimes paid for resisting the pervasive inequalities. For example, Indigenous women in Canada have lower income and educational levels than the national average and such disadvantage is linked to their similarly greater experience of violence and higher rates of incarceration.[4]  The link between lack of opportunity, systemic violence and discrimination is not always acknowledged even by those with a mandate to serve. Thus, even as the world condemns the attack on Malala, every jurisdiction needs to consider its own record. Most are at best uneven.

Education, as Mary Wollstonecraft and other feminists have long argued, is a crucial step in securing women’s rights. Malala’s choice to attend school, and stand up for the right of girls to do so, is aligned with a long history of global struggles demanding a equal opportunities for girls and women.  The Taliban are right to fear the voice and actions of one teenage girl. And the world has a responsibility to listen and respond to the struggles of girls globally.

[2] Fancy, Khadijah. Because I am a Girl: The State of the World’s Girls 2012. Graphicom, Italy, 2012


[4] Aleem, R., Czapska, A., Taefi, N., & Webb, A. (2008). Submission to UN Committee on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women at its 7th periodic review of Canada. Justice for Girls & Justice for Girls International


Malala’s blog

BBC. (2009). Diary of a Pakistani School Girl. Retrieved October 14, 2012, from

Opinion Pieces

Chemaly, S. (2012, October 12). Sex and World Peace: or, What Little Girls Have to Do with Our Wars. Huffington Post.

Dobson, W. J. (2012, October 12). Why the Taliban fears teenage girls. Canberra Times.

Ellick, A. B. (2012). My “Small Video Star” fights for her life. The Lede- New York Times.

Ijaz, S. (2012, October 12). We are not Malala. International Herald Tribune. Retrieved from

Kristof, N. D. (2012, October 10). Her “Crime” was loving school. New York Times.

Mansoor, H. (2012, October 10). Malala Yousafzai: a young Pakistani heroine. Guardian UK. Retrieved from

Walker, R. (2012, October 11). Malala and the First International Day of the Girl. Huffington Post.

The Documentary featuring Malala:

Ellick, A. (2009). Witness: A Schoolgirl’s Odyssey. Al Jazeera English. Retrieved from

Academic Sources:

Aleem, R., Czapaska, A., Taefi, N., & Webb, A. (2008). Submission to UN Committee on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Wome at its 7th periodic review of Canada.

Babur, Zaheer Udin, “Violence Against Women in Pakistan: Current Realities and Strategies for Change,” M.A diss., European University Center for Peace Studies, 2007

Fancy, Khadijah. Because I am a Girl: The State of the World’s Girls 2012. Graphicom, Italy, 2012

Hudson, V. M., Ballif-Spanvill, B., Caprioli, M., & Emmet, C. F. (2012). Sex and World Peace. New York: Columbia University Press.

United Nations Cyberschoolbus. (2012). Girl Child. Briefing Papers for Students. Retrieved from

Woman Stats Project. (2012). Woman Stats Project. Retrieved from